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  Introduction

  by Ian Johnson

  It’s risky to pick turning points in world history, but it’s safe to say that the Tiananmen Massacre on the night of June 3–4, 1989, in downtown Beijing, was one of the most important of the past half century. At the time it was recognized as a momentous event—a bloodbath in the center of a world capital usually is—but three decades later its importance has only grown, marking the end of one China and the rise of today’s grim superpower.

  For on that night, soldiers armed with automatic weapons and tanks smashed through crude barricades, killing hundreds, possibly thousands, of Beijingers trying to stop the troops from breaking up a student protest. The students had occupied the city’s gargantuan Tiananmen Square, calling for an end to corruption and official privilege and for a more open, freer society.

  The students were flawed—as are most people, especially when they are eighteen or nineteen years old. Most had little idea of what they wanted. And some were arrogant. But they were well-meaning and idealistic, and many Chinese saw in them a hope for a better, more decent society. From across the country, Chinese traveled to Beijing to support them, wired them money, and wrote poems in their honor.

  And so, on that fateful night, thousands of ordinary Beijingers ran out onto the streets to confront the troops. On several previous nights the government had also tried to clear the square but sent in unarmed troops. Locals talked them out of their attack and they returned to their barracks.

  But this time around, China’s rulers decided to teach their subjects a lesson they wouldn’t forget. They sent in hardened troops with orders to shoot their way to the center of town. The carnage lasted hours and the city’s hospitals overflowed with the dead and dying. The message was clear: This will not be tolerated. Ever.

  Since then, China’s course has been set: economic development, yes; an open society, no. The government has banned, arrested, and jailed people who tried to set up new political parties or even write about the need for change. It has brought the Internet to heel by deploying thousands of censors. And it has pushed its ambitions abroad by funding Western universities and think tanks and drawing up blacklists of people who mention its deeds. These are the bullets it uses to silence opponents.

  The opium is the benefits of economic growth—the real prosperity that makes many people inside and outside of China wary of rocking the boat. For many around the world, China has become an alluring model, and its many apologists, including leading Western political leaders, happily eat from its trough.

  So today we have a China that is richer than ever, boasting bullet trains and aircraft carriers, but politically stunted and often driven by nationalistic aims—an unhealthy mixture that has rarely turned out well in world history. It is a country for which 1989 did not mean the fall of communism as it did in Europe but rather is synonymous with a failed revolution.

  And yet, for all of their importance, these events have never been told with much élan or vigor. We have deadening academic prose, policy-wonk jargon, but little to connect us with the people who made these events happen.

  That is why this book is so important. It is not a definitive history of Tiananmen but something more compelling: intimate interviews with people who fought for the revolution, were jailed, and were then released to a country that had suddenly turned away from politics and embraced the deadening pleasures of consumer society and the cheap thrills of nationalism. That’s why this book is about more than the events of three decades ago; it is also a portrait of today’s unhappy and repressed China.

  Our guide is Liao Yiwu, the most remarkable chronicler of real-life China to emerge from his country. He is something like a Chinese Studs Terkel, compiling oral histories of key turning points in his country’s history, but he has the maniacal fearlessness of the great Polish war correspondent Ryszard Kapus´cin´ski. He is funny, self-deprecating, and brutally honest about his own failures, making him a compassionate, credible narrator for these stories.

  Liao came to international attention thanks to a series of remarkable portraits of China’s underclass, which he brought to life in numerous profiles and books. His methodology is that of a gumshoe private eye: he walks, listens, and observes. Himself a participant in the protests, he spent four years in jail and then fifteen years interviewing grassroots China. He went to people in remote mountains or under secret-police surveillance. His work often landed him in trouble and often under house arrest. It cost him two marriages and the loss of contact with his first child. But he has remained driven to write the stories that official history books in China try to censor out of existence.

  Most of what you hold in your hands wouldn’t have come to light if not for Liao’s personal courage. Facing daily police harassment and a ban on travel abroad, Liao decided in 2011 to flee China for the West. After careful planning, he packed a backpack full of tapes, notes, and photos. He traveled to the Vietnamese border and found a place to walk across to freedom. He soon flew off to Germany, where he lives today with his new family, and a new existence in Berlin.

  Since then he has been mining his notebooks and now has written what I believe to be his most significant work. A predictable oral history of 1989 would include many of the student leaders of this movement, but Liao focuses instead on more telling and interesting examples. These are the people who couldn’t flee abroad or didn’t have the fortune of serving a few years and being released in the 1990s as part of deals to reestablish economic ties with Western countries. For the people in this book there were no fellowships at Ivy League schools, no book deals, no rebirth as a religious celebrity—not even the ignominy of boring but comfortable lives in banking or academia.

  Instead, these are the stories of the “Tiananmen thugs,” the completely inaccurate name given by the government to the citizens who bore the brunt of the military’s assault on the square and the transformation of nearby streets into killing fields. We often think of Tiananmen as a student revolt and its repression as falling on these young people, but in fact only the first part of this statement is accurate. The protests were led by students, but the people who defended them were ordinary Beijingers. These were the people who were gunned down, arrested en masse, tortured, jailed, and forced to labor in the country’s infamous laogai gulag.

  Liao gives us so many moving stories: three young men who defaced the iconic portrait of Chairman Mao that looks down on Tiananmen Square; a worker who was so incensed by the massacre that he set fire to an armored personnel carrier; a bus conductor so angry that he threw bricks at soldiers. In these pages we hear about parents of the victims, and of course we get to know our guide and interviewer, Liao Yiwu, a poet who had the quixotic idea of filming a musical in his native Sichuan Province to protest June Fourth.

  These are among the hundreds of thousands of mostly nameless people arrested in 1989, a fact that challenges claims that the pro-democracy protests were something that only concerned students, intellectuals, and other elites. Instead, we meet people from all walks of life who joined in the struggle out of sincere patriotism and paid for it in varied ways: destroyed marriages, lost careers, or a lifetime of sexual dysfunction brought on by torture.

  Thus, this book does more than keep alive the memory of June Fou
rth; it helps us rethink those days by focusing on the forgotten people who sacrificed the most. Through them we get a radically new view of Tiananmen, one that increases its importance by showing its broad and terrible scope.

  But while these stories are depressing, they are also hopeful. Whenever pundits argue that China has created the perfect dictatorship or that the past is forgotten, think of these people. Many were teenagers when their lives changed. Now it is only thirty years later. They are just middle-aged. Many will live another thirty years. Their lives will continue to vex the Communist Party for most of the twenty-first century.

  These profiles also show the universality of humans’ desire for decency and fairness and the right to shape their future. When it is argued that events in faraway lands or distant eras are not our concern, think of these people. They had little to gain. And yet they acted—an inspiration for all of us in today’s uncertain times.

  PROLOGUE

  * * *

  “All You Want Is Money! All I Want Is Revolution!”

  During the predawn hours of June 4, 1989, on government orders, 200,000 troops surrounded Beijing, China’s capital, and then marched to its heart. The government’s tanks and armored vehicles cleared the way, crushing the barricades, firing into the crowd, mowing human beings down like weeds. Sanctioned at the very top, the massacre they committed in and around Tiananmen Square—against overwhelmingly nonviolent protesters from all walks of life—shocked the world.

  Millions of ordinary, idealistic Chinese people had been protesting for democracy for weeks, in dozens of cities across China, including Chengdu, my home at the time and the capital of Sichuan, my native province. In an instant the protesters were scattered like flocks of frightened birds. Arrest orders flew out across the land. Several hundred thousand people fled abroad as political refugees. Meanwhile, untold tens and tens of thousands—mostly working-class people with little connection to the democracy movement leadership—were thrown in jail and became political prisoners.

  Thirty years later the regime that committed the massacre is still in power. To this day there has been no reliable estimate of the number of people killed that day. The official government figure for those “accidentally injured” is 300 or less. Surveys conducted at the time by the Red Cross Society of China and by student movement organizations at 100 Beijing-area hospitals suggested that approximately 3,000 people had been killed. Recently declassified documents from the US and UK governments suggest that the number may have been over 10,000, with many more injured.

  How can we find them, the lost ones? The wife-and-husband team of Ding Zilin and Jiang Peikun, after their son was killed near the square, made contact with over 200 family members of June Fourth victims and started the Tiananmen Mothers movement. Over the past thirty years they have only been able to collect a list of 202 people from all those killed. (See Appendix Two.) Sun Liyong, who fled to Australia, scraped together with great difficulty a list of several hundred people who were imprisoned after June Fourth.

  Years have passed. The butchers are winning. Cycles of shameless moral breakdown and misery followed the crackdown: they created and are still creating our past, present, and future. The tyrants seemed to have killed at first with trembling hands. Later, as they killed more people and their blood debt increased, killing became easier and they felt free to do as they pleased.

  China’s economy grew at a frenetic pace. Every wave of killings seemed to bring forth tremendous economic growth. One fashionable theory held that economic development would bring political reform and that in turn would force the tyrants to move toward democracy. That was why Western economic sanctions against China after June Fourth soon faded away, with more and more countries lining up to make business deals with the butchers. They did this even as the killers kept jailing and murdering, even as new blood spilled over the old bloodstains. New tyrannies replaced the old. To survive and make a miserable living amid such bloodstained tyranny, people learned to live without moral scruples.

  After Tiananmen, as everyone else feigned amnesia and raced to make money, waves of brutal crackdowns struck the families of murdered and imprisoned protesters, people practicing alternate kinds of qigong, Falun Gong practitioners, members of the China Democracy Party, people who petitioned higher levels of government to redress their grievances against local officials, peasants deprived of their land, laid-off workers, human rights lawyers, members of underground churches, political dissidents, the families of the Sichuan earthquake victims, people who signed Charter 08, proponents of the Jasmine Revolution online, and those struggling in Tibet, Inner Mongolia, and Xinjiang. Meanwhile, the “June Fourth rioters” were finally quietly released from prison, one by one, without anyone noticing.

  The Chinese people have become slaves waiting and willing to be plundered and trampled. And the Party said to Westerners: Come on over, build factories, set up businesses, construct tall buildings, and design computer networks. As long as you don’t talk about human rights or pick political scabs, you can do whatever you want. In your own country there are all those laws to obey and public opinion to worry about. You aren’t free to do as you like. You should come here and work with us. Come to our country and get dirty with us. Please go ahead and mess up our rivers, skies, food, and underground water resources to your heart’s desire. Come use our cheap labor. Make our people work day and night. Reduce them to nothing more than machines on the assembly line. By the time most people in China come down with different kinds of cancers in their bodies, minds, and characters because of all the pollution, you will have made even more money in this, the world’s biggest junkyard, where there will always be more business opportunities than anywhere else.

  In the name of free trade, many Western companies conspired with the butchers. They created a junkyard. Their profits-first “garbage system of values” became ever more influential. The Chinese people all knew that the butchers had the money and had their escape routes ready—that they would, in the end, abandon their scarred and battered motherland. They would all emigrate to the West to enjoy that pure land and its sunlight, its liberty, equality, fraternity. They might even join a church there and ask that same Jesus, who was nailed to a cross in ancient times by tyrants, to atone for their crimes. And once the Chinese people realize that the corrupt officials and businesspeople, the shameless exemplars of “winner takes all,” are not going to face justice and get their just deserts in the West, they will imitate them. Soon every corner of the world will be full of Chinese swindlers who have abandoned their homeland—a swarm of locusts who will blot out the earth and the sky, bringing disaster with them wherever they go.

  The children born in 1989 have already grown to adulthood. According to the yin-yang transmigration ideas of Chinese Buddhism, they should be the reincarnations of the June Fourth dead, though with absolutely no memory of their previous lives. On the other hand, those tens and tens of thousands of street fighters against tyranny who were thrown into prison in 1989 seem like handfuls of sand tossed into the vast swirling ocean of people.

  * * *

  Everything’s fucked-up. The woman you used to know has changed; she’s completely focused on getting ahead. Then there’s the question of taking care of our daughter and the fact that I have nothing more to say to my friends. My wife complains that she’s thirty-something years old and still doesn’t have a place she can call home. She says I have to find a way of making money to support our daughter. She despises our past, which is brave of her. My flute playing drives her crazy, so I don’t play. Somewhere deep inside I still love her, but I can’t love her in the way she needs. Sometimes when I’m sitting alone at home, the fights rage on in my head for hours: “You loser.” “I’m the husband!” “You’re her dad!” “All you want is money! All I want is revolution!”

  The letter was dated March 26, 1994, written to my old friend Liu Xia, who would later marry the famous political prisoner Liu Xiaobo. The night before, I sat on my freezing balcony for wha
t seemed like hours. I took out my bamboo flute, but I was so depressed that I couldn’t get a sound out of it. I only succeeded in catching a cold.

  Soon after, following a violent argument, my wife and I divorced. I moved back to my parents’ place on the other side of town, where they took care of me as if I were a child again. Most of the time I had just a few coins in my pocket, not enough even to leave the apartment. My older brother Damao lent me 10,000 yuan, which all went to child support. My daughter is now twenty-one. Of those twenty-one years, we’ve spent less than two months together.

  Before Tiananmen, I was a rebel poet, volatile and impulsive, who loved to pick fights and tell tall tales. I won more than twenty state literary prizes, and I figured that one day I would earn international fame as a writer. But all my poems earned me was a stint in jail. That dreamy poet’s look was flayed from my face. In 1990, I was arrested for reciting a poem about the massacre, and I spent nearly four years in prison. Even after I was released, I remained a wanderer, never finding a home in my own country.

  The great massacre of June 4, 1989, was a turning point. Before, everyone loved their country; afterward, everyone loved money. People’s hearts grew colder. A penniless former labor camp inmate, I could tell people despised me. I felt like my world had been turned upside down overnight. When I got home and saw my wife, my parents, my siblings, and old friends for the first time since jail, they seemed impassive, and there were none of the emotional scenes you read about in books. Born more than half a year after I was jailed, my daughter had turned three. She was scared of my shaved head and began to cry. She hid behind the door and whimpered, spitting at me.

  Prisoners, by definition, are all single. Many of my fellow inmates hadn’t seen a woman in years or decades. Everyone talked about sex all the time, even the political prisoners with their supposedly lofty ideals. It was our default subject of conversation. The only difference between ordinary criminals and politicals was that when the former steamed up the cell by masturbating in unison, the political prisoners either had to pretend they didn’t notice or quietly slip away. I once shared a bunk bed with a man who was in for human trafficking. Whenever the prisoners got a special treat at dinner, he would get himself off that same night. Sometimes he made the whole bed shudder, and I would rap on the iron bed frame in protest. He would yell back up at me without missing a beat: “Don’t you know? Use it or lose it!”